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Could a Newborn Credit Produce More Newlyweds?

Highlights

  1. Among women who were unmarried at conception, those receiving the larger cash payments were 5.2 percentage points more likely to be married one year after birth—a 24% increase. Post This
  2. If the results of this new study hold up in further pilots and possibilities, it may suggest that the first year is a critical and distinct period for family benefits. Post This

Social conservatives can be skittish when it comes to supporting federal family benefits. On the one hand, it’s good for the state to treat children and their parents as load bearing for our future, not one expressive consumer choice among many. On the other hand, many social conservatives worry that financial support could keep men and women from choosing to marry. Pro-family social conservatives want to help families be able to make the right choices for their families—but also want to make sure government programs complement work and marriage, rather than compete with them. A recent study suggests that well-timed, targeted support for low-income moms, right when a baby is born, can strengthen—not substitute for—marriage.

The Baby’s First Year study explored the effects of cash benefits following birth for 1,000 low-income mothers across four U.S. cities. Mothers were randomly assigned to receive either $333 per month ($4,000 annually) or a nominal $20 per month ($240 annually), beginning at their child’s birth and ending three months after their baby’s sixth birthday. (The control group received a nominal payment so both groups stay in touch with the researchers over the period of the study). The initial papers analyzing the effects of the payments focused on the mothers’ ability to invest time and money into their child’s development but a later paper examined marriage rates in both groups. 

The results were striking: among women who were unmarried at conception, those receiving the larger payments were 5.2 percentage points more likely to be married one year after birth—a 24% increase. They were also 4.6 percentage points (18%) less likely to be cohabiting with a romantic partner one year after birth. When researchers followed up three years after babies were born, they found that the women in the higher-payment group who had gotten married were no more likely to separate or wind up as single parents than those in the low-income group. The payments did not appear to increase the rate of single parenthood or to destabilize existing marriage. This is not the result predicted by analysts who believe giving women marriage-neutral support means giving them a reason to walk out on marriageable partners.

The higher rate of marriage was not the result of women opting for marriages the women considered worse. However, women in the higher-payment group were more likely to marry men who contributed less to the family’s household income than those in the lower-payment group. Researchers felt this was driven partially by women considering whether to marry this man, the father of their child, rather than considering the set of all plausible spouses from their community. Income matters, but so does a father’s unique role as a parent. With a bit more financial breathing room, it may be easier to commit to a partner who is still working to increase his earnings.

Targeting support at families who are on the cusp of marriage may give them the breathing room to grow in trust and in love.

As the researchers note, the 24% increase in marriages is comparable to the 18% increase in marriage that is attributed to some of the components of 1990s welfare reform, even though Baby’s First Year is marriage-neutral, and lessens a woman’s economic need for a partner. So, why the first-year marriage boom? As the researchers see it, it might be that the aid comes just at the critical time, a “magic moment,” or period, when unwed parents are often still romantically involved, optimistic about the future, and actively considering marriage. But it is also a moment of intense financial and emotional strain. A modest infusion of resources during this window does not necessarily replace a partner; instead, it may make a partnership more feasible in the first place. 

In some ways, this idea is intuitive to all parents. It’s a little easier to keep your temper and work collaboratively with your spouse when you don’t feel strained beyond your capacity to bear. No government program can erase the effects of disrupted sleep, but if we could give parents a pill that granted them the patience of someone who had slept eight hours last night, we might expect more marriages to stick. Lessening the financial strain of those first few months and allowing both parents to invest time in their baby and their relationship could have a similar boost for relationships on the bubble. 

If the results hold up in further pilots and possibilities, it may suggest that the first year is a critical and distinct period for family benefits. A bipartisan proposal, cosponsored by Representatives David Valadao (R-CA), Tom Suozzi (D-NY), Blake Moore (R-UT) and Debbie Dingell (D-MI), could give families contemplating marriage the same kind of support. The “Supporting Newborn Parents Act of 2026” would create a $2,000 newborn credit, available shortly after a child’s birth. Unlike the Child Tax Credit or Earned Income Tax Credit, which arrive months later, this benefit would reach families during that critical early window. And because it phases in with earnings, it reinforces—rather than replaces—the role of work.

Explicit marriage promotion can be politically controversial. But programs like Baby’s First Year and the proposed bipartisan newborn credit offer a non-polarizing way to support marriage. Targeting support at families who are on the cusp of marriage may give them the breathing room to grow in trust and in love. What better gift could a new parent ask for?

Leah Libresco Sargeant is the author of The Dignity of Dependence, and Building the Benedict Optionand runs Other Feminisms, a substack community. 

*Photo credit: Shutterstock

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